The real guarantee of Turkey's Gülen movement, rebuked for the 2016 fizzled military endeavor to topple President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was to add to the recharging of the Islamic convention, yet its disappointment is an impression of the intellectual crisis at its center. Fazilat of Subhanallah Alhamdulillah La Ilaha Illallah Allahu Akbar

As partners of Erdoğan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) that came to control in 2002, adherents of U.S.- based Turkish minister Fethullah Gülen, a significant number of them alumni of the movement's several schools and colleges, took up posts in the common administration, legal, police, military and media from where they applied impressive power and impact.

Be that as it may, the uneasy union between the AKP and Gülen separated at last toward the finish of 2013 when prosecutors and police connected to the movement captured many figures near the legislature on defilement accusations.

Amid this time, the Gülen movement everything except abandoned its unique guarantee of Islamic recharging and rather turned into a safeguard of the Islamic universality.

Found thusly, it could be contended that the underlying driver of the Gülen movement's crisis is its surrender to the Islamic universality. To put it in an unexpected way, the Islamic universality that tenaciously anticipates new elucidations and arrangements on real issues, for example, democratization or sexual orientation issues in a huge Islamic geology from Egypt to Malaysia has likewise gobbled up the Gülen movement's renewalist excitement.

How has this happened and how has the Gülen movement surrendered to the Islamic universality?

In the absolute starting point, the Gülen movement showed up on the scene of Islamic activism by articulating itself with the Nurcu movement, a Turkish-Islamic religious movement whose key rule is abstention from party legislative issues. The main ideologue of the Nurcu movement was Said Nursi, a man of the artistic custom, who composed numerous persuasive books on the parts of Islamic idea.

In spite of following Nursi, the alluring Turkish minister Gülen was never a man of the artistic convention. Rather, Gülen was a man of the oral custom; along these lines, he endeavored to develop his hypothetical system through his discourses as opposed to books. Spare maybe a couple special cases, Gülen has not composed books where he proposed a deliberate and modern dialog of a noteworthy point. Numerous books by Gülen accessible in book shops are in reality the printed and marginally altered adaptations of his addresses.

Gülen's emphasis on the oral convention in the long run brought his movement one stage once again from even Nursi's abstract inheritance. However, the oral custom has bit by bit been opened up inside the movement so far as to perceive composed notes from Gülen as the real intellectual system to lead his adherents.

Normally, such a model based on a dominatingly oral convention has never been a palatable strategy to produce an energetic intellectual revivalism.

In this vein, another applicable factor is the movement's "epistemic kitchen", an illustration I use to depict the modest number of specialists who have delivered Islamic information inside the Gülen movement. Since the absolute starting point, the "epistemic kitchen" of the Gülen movement has been ruled by a little gathering of individuals. Sharing nearly a similar intellectual and socio-social profile, these individuals as a rule perceive a very Salafi understanding of Islam. They seldom open the entryways for individuals with elective understandings.

As a key decision, the movement has never alluded to elective names as intellectual good examples to its devotees. The specialists of the movement's "epistemic kitchen" cornered the intellectual atmosphere that rules over their supporters.

Along these lines, not at all like numerous other left-inclining or right-inclining social movements in Turkey that have their prestigious intellectual names, the Gülen movement has never endured the rise of such autonomous intellectuals who could specifically associate with the supporters of the movement.